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The last few weeks have perhaps been the most joyful in the
Green Party’s history – the ‘Green surge’, initially a minor uptick in the
polls made more significant by the subterranean popularity of the Liberal
Democrats, has become something more substantial. Natalie Bennett even got
something previous minor party leaders could scarcely have dreamed of –
inclusion in the TV election debates, but perhaps most importantly – the publicity
that came from the argument around whether they should be included.
However all that ended yesterday, as their leader Natalie
Bennett was forensically taken apart by Andrew Neill on what should’ve been one of her
first forays into the big time. Pressed by Neill on Green Party policy, it’s
fair to say that Bennett went to pieces faster than a falafel atop a wind
turbine.
Natalie Bennett's interview with Andrew Neill is a must watch
The Green surge has been a bit of a strange deal. Moribund
for much of the past four years (they’ve contested 12 out of 19 by-elections
since May 2010, losing their deposit in each), they seemed to have gained
traction in recent months from a number of events and trends unrelated to their
policies.
Unlike UKIP who found their wider voice amid the Eurozone crisis, there’s
been no equivalent event which has made The Green’s signature policy seem to some like
a sagacious panacea. Dennis Quaid and Jake Gyllenhaal haven't had a major climate event with which to improve their father son relationship. They’re currently making hay on the anti-austerity left –
but such sentiments have been strong since late 2011, and there was no Green
surge even as Occupy, UK Uncut and what was initially seen as an austerity induced recession dominated the
headlines.
Instead it’s been a number of trends - firstly those dire
polling figures of the Lib Dems. Normally the fight for fourth and fifth in the
polls leading up to a general election would be of interest only to the most
dedicated gamblers, but Nick Clegg as the leader of the fifth party is a story.
The second reason has been the rise of UKIP and the SNP.
Since Nigel Farage’s poll numbers started to increase in 2012, the
Conservatives of have longed for a similar phenomenon to eat into Labour’s core
vote from the left. UKIP and the SNP (who have hitherto only dominated Holyrood
elections) proved it was possible for minor parties to escape the electoral
lower leagues, so that small uptick in Green fortunes became ‘the surge’ that
could make them ‘the UKIP of the left’. David Cameron clearly hopes as much –
which was part of the reason he embraced greenery for the first time since he
brushed the husky hair off his North Face jacket and said if the Greens weren’t
there, he wouldn’t be playing with the other boys.
Of course both of these factors relate to the weakness of
the three main parties – with austerity and austerity-lite not being an
attractive message, populists have come to the fore. This has happened across
Europe. Syriza, Greece’s radical left populists have just won the Greek elections,
while on the right the Front National are stronger than ever in France. With
Labour having to bomb-proof itself against the charge that it’s spendthrift,
there’s clear space to win the votes of those who reject the idea that any cuts
are necessary and want socialism red in tooth and claw.
During Bennett’s car-crash interview we saw exactly why the
Greens might not be the best receptacle for those protest votes, and why their ‘surge’
may wither as more scrutiny is placed on them. The interview started badly and
went downhill from there – Neill started with the Greens’ signature welfare
policy, the ‘citizen’s income’, or the effective extension the Jobseeker’s
Allowance to everyone regardless of whether they’re in work or not. As was
pointed out, the Greens have costed this at £280 billion – a gargantuan figure
compared to the JSA’s current £3bn. Asked how she’d pay for this, Bennett could
only point to minor savings and told Neill she’d come back to him in March. She
then pointed to tax avoidance and a lower corporation tax take as a way to make
the figures add up.
On the evidence of yesterday, not you...
It’s a fair point – and Neill agreed with the principle,
but even the most optimistic estimates as to the ‘tax-gap’ the rich should be
paying (the activist accountant and Green sympathiser Richard Murphy places it at £120bn – and he states that his is a theoretical estimate to spur action rather than a concrete figure)
coming up well short of funding the citizens income. That’s an astonishing
amount of unaccounted for money going not to the poorest – but to the middle-class,
who would receive the £71 as an unconditional benefit. Even generous assumptions on savings on the administration of what it would and could replace - working tax credits for example, leave a policy that's an astonishing gambit with the public purse at a time when the Greens also want to protect and increase spending on other public services and infrastructure.
The same process was repeated on the Green policy of wealth
taxes to pay for the NHS – which Bennett stated would bring in £35-£40bn. Neill
pointed out that France has a more stringent wealth tax than the one Bennett
was proposing – it brings in £4bn.
Perhaps the best example in the interview of the Greens’
great contradictions in a single policy was explored too. The Greens are, they
say a pro-EU party. However their trade policy of imposing tariffs on imports and ‘reducing
world trade’ (yes that’s actually their policy) is against not just EU law, but
the founding principle of the then EEC. Bennett poured scorn on other parties
for pandering to UKIP, but her own policy out Kippers Farage.
I’m going to give Bennett a pass on the main news line out
of the interview, her policy of allowing people to join Al-Qaeda, as it won’t
be Green policy for very long – and is based on what one might call destructive
logic – taking a sound principle (not prohibiting belief by law) and taking it
to its destructive logical conclusion. This is part of the teething problems of
minor parties – what sounds good in a sympathetic Brighton meeting room among
your party zealots doesn’t on national TV.
In fact Bennett was so bad that Neill didn’t get to explore the
most troubling area of green thinking – that: “The pursuit of economic growth as a force driving over-exploitation of the Earth must cease to be an automaticaim of human societies”, and that we should prepare for possible decreases in
GDP (this is part of the rationale for the much touted ‘citizens income’).
Bennett is on record as saying that we’re in a world “sodden with stuff”, and that we should have less. This fundamentally misunderstands
the concept of GDP – which is based on value added rather than the consumption
of materials. To point out a fairly obvious example that may be to the Greens’
taste – people paying to visit a nature reserve may contribute to GDP and preserve
resources. In fact if you’re an importer of raw materials – like most European
countries, the more resources you consume in producing your products, the worse
it is for your GDP. An iPhone consumes many of the same materials as the most basic mobile phone - yet its software engineering and branding makes it contribute far more to GDP.
In the same policy
document the Greens say they’ll invest “1% of GDP” in science funding– despite wanting
to abolish it as an economic measure of the health of our economy.
Worse, if pursued it means permanent austerity at home – you
can’t pay for better public services with thin air, and condemns billions to
poverty across the world – if there’s already “too much stuff”, how do poor
Indians raise their income levels? That's with trade decreasing too. The Greens do address this final point in
their policy document (I looked at the website Natalie), but the answer seems
to sound suspiciously like aid (albeit said to 'replace' it), which would have to be a stupendous sum to offset the
income lost through trade and is inherently problematic. It shouldn't need pointing out that these global aims would also require China, India and the United States to install or elect a government of green sympathisers.
All this is utterly bizarre from a party which is supposedly
the standard bearer of the left. After all, even Lenin following Marx wanted to
pursue economic growth and increase prosperity – he just thought that a
centrally planned economy was a better way of doing it than a capitalist one.
If even Lenin would think you’re dangerously anti-materialist, you probably
need to go and have a good long think about what you’re proposing as do your newly minted supporters.
All this explains why Bennett came unstuck, and why
ultimately the Greens aren’t and don’t deserve to be a British Syriza (despite former leader Caroline Lucas attempting to tie her party to the Greeks). You may
think them wrong, but the reason for Syriza’s success is that they have an
economic outlook that is at least coherent on its own terms. Their
anti-austerity has a concrete aim and rationale – to reduce Greece’s debt
repayments by tearing up their stringent loan agreements so that they can
pursue looser fiscal policy in order to promote growth. For a country which has
been in permanent recession since 2008 it’s easy to see why it’s popular. It's also possible to see a tangible success - if Alexis Tsipras can negotiate a better deal with the ECB and Greece's creditors and improve his country's absurdly terrible record on tax evasion (it's not just for the rich over there), then he might be able to alleviate some of the pain. It's fair to say though that even those are big ifs, and he faces one hell of a task.
Green anti-austerity is different – it’s a nebulous wish list
that’s often at odds with itself, and falls apart like a badly constructed yurt
once one challenges its basic assumptions. David Cameron may even come to
regret his love affair with Natalie Bennett, as the more attention people
actually pay to her party and examine its policies beyond the fluffy stuff, the
less credible they will be as a home for genuine left-wingers and the lost Lib
Dems.
You can, as Natalie kept reminding us, read the Green Party's policy document here and make your own mind up.
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